Et Tu, Blessing

By Andrew Field,

Factional divisions within the ruling party, ZANU-PF, have raised tensions giving rise to a little public anxiety surrounding organized demonstrations in Zimbabwe that were set for the end of March. In the limelight was the mysterious war veteran and former Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) operative, Blessed Geza. He used to be known as ‘Bombshell’ during the liberation war and his rumblings on social media, symbolically dressed in military battle dress, have been militant, to say the least.

Although perhaps not entirely connected, the President of Zimbabwe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, suffers a controversy over his supporters’ push to extend his tenure beyond the constitutional limit of 2028 to 2030. He publicly rejected these calls and affirmed his commitment to step down. Party loyalists argue however that his leadership is vital for the “Vision 2030” agenda. This has sparked deep divisions within the party, with factions fearing it undermines succession plans.

In late January 2025, Geza made a notable appearance alongside other war veterans during a social media interview in which he identified issues of corruption, nepotism, and tribalism; thus marking the start of a campaign against Mnangagwa. Geza, also reportedly a former Central Committee member, was expelled, from ZANU-PF, for his bold attack on the President; his actions being labeled ‘treasonous’.

Consequent to this Alpha Media Holdings (AMH) senior journalist, Blessed Mhlanga, who had conducted the interview, was unfairly arrested and remanded in custody, spuriously, for inciting violence, yet he was just the messenger. He remains incarcerated without trial, a cause for protest if ever.

Geza, recently resurfaced after going into hiding, urging and inciting nationwide protests against President Mnangagwa’s alleged corruption and mismanagement.

Perhaps coincidentally, during the night of 27 March, several arson incidents occurred in Harare, made to look like petrol bombings, taking place outside premises of unctuous, wealthy, and untouchable key allies and enablers of Mnangagwa, who have been labeled by Geza as ‘criminals’.

Authoritarian regimes are known to use false flag operations to justify crackdowns on opposition to power. Some allege the fire bombings were perhaps orchestrated by state actors, and their goal was to create a pretext for suppressing the upcoming, supposedly internecine, demonstrations at the behest of Comrade Bombshell, although Geza allegedly claimed responsibility, if reports are correct.

Security forces, mostly police Support Unit, were deployed heavily in urban areas, raising concerns about potential violence. It was a show of force. It would seem that the government could not be too sure about the wisdom of a full military deployment, just in case another coup threatens!

However, Zimbabwean protest calls have a soggy history of being somewhat wet flops, driven mostly by fear of hard-line, violent crack-downs against protest. There is consistent public apathy associated with calls to take to the streets, but this current threat is not opposition-motivated. It’s driven by internal ruling party divisions and internecine squabbles; basically a hallmark of the ruling party with a monopoly on power. The campaign is clearly a factional wrangle rather than bona fide grassroots movement.

Observers should not underestimate Zimbabwe’s rising frustration and economic difficulties being a catalyst for rising public support of Geza’s campaign. Geza may well be resting on this. He may be able to mobilise the hearts and keyboard bandits, but Zimbabweans have no appetite for sticks and stones. The cause is just not powerful enough to generate spontaneous revolt just yet.

Perhaps true to form, Zimbabwe’s opposition figures and war veterans’ associations have put the dampers on and denied involvement, despite Geza saying he has successfully rallied their support. A subdued response was anticipated from them and their support base.

This current tension may well be set against a backdrop of historical conflicts within ZANU dating back to the 1960s. The party was weaned on infighting, dissension, and treacherous backstabbing. Remember Ndabaningi Sithole? If not, the pattern is very similar. During the Liberation War, ZANU experienced significant internal strife, notably the Nhari and Vashandi rebellions.

The Nhari Rebellion of 1974, at Chifombo camp in Zambia, led by Thomas Nhari and Dakarayi Badza, arose from dissatisfaction with the ZANU High Command’s lifestyle, which they believed contradicted the party’s Maoist principles. Oddly, the uprising against Rhodesia was not a communist insurrection, but nationalist. This mutiny was forcefully suppressed by the late Josiah Tongogara, resulting in the execution of, some say, 150-200 rebels at Chifombo.

Herbert Chitepo, a key leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and a prominent figure in Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, was assassinated in Lusaka, more likely by his own comrades, contrary to what many suggest or argue. It remains a controversy and the truth may never be known; in the absence of empirical evidence. Circumstantially, he had overseen the trials of surviving Nhari rebel leaders who were later executed in February 1975. Chitepo perished in a landmine activated car bomb attack just over a month later on 18 March 1975.

As an aside, historian, Luise White‘s works on the subject never resolved the question who killed Chitepo, but analyzes why so many had claimed responsibility, suggesting political narratives tend to shape historical accounts, with each theory serving different political interests. Rhodesian author, Peter Stiff, was sufficiently well duped by a dubious former SAS operative who claimed responsibility. Opportunist heroism. Yet, even Chitepo’s widow, Victoria, and nationalist stalwart, James Chikarema, believe otherwise.

Certainly, the Special International Commission on the murder of Herbert Chitepo, established by Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda and chaired by Reuben Kamanga, concluded that Chitepo’s death was not caused by “racist or imperialist agents, counter-revolutionaries, or saboteurs” but by members of ZANU’s very own Dare Rechimurenga and High Command!

The later Vashandi Rebellion in Mozambique, during 1976, spearheaded by Wilfred Mhanda (chimurenga psuedonym Dzinashe Machingura) and Sam Geza, involved young ZANLA fighters attempting to seize party leadership. This uprising was quelled and the rebels were detained in gungy holes in the ground until shortly after independence in 1980. Both rebellions highlighted generational and ideological divides within ZANU during the liberation struggle.

Fast forward to 2015/17 – the nouveau conflict within and a coup to boot! The G40 faction, associated with Grace Mugabe, Jonathan Moyo, Saviour Kasukuwere, and others, promoted younger, educated members and potentially Grace as Robert Mugabe’s successor. The Lacoste faction, led by Emmerson Mnangagwa and Constantino Chiwenga, with military support, backed Mnangagwa.

This factional struggle culminated in the 2017 military intervention, dubbed ‘Operation Restore Legacy’, which led to Mugabe’s ousting by bloodless coup d’etat and Mnangagwa’s ascension to the presidency. The coup effectively dismantled the G40 faction, with many members expelled from the party and fleeing to surrounding nations to fester about their comeback.

And now the recent events surrounding Geza highlight the continuing lack of true unity within the party. One cannot help but believe the G40 faction clique members are sitting in the background, ready to pounce upon the corridors of power. There has been a stir about an uprising in offshore Diaspora circles, but nothing has been taken seriously.

Heaven forbids Grace Mugabe is still in their plans! This ongoing internal strife has often distracted from addressing pressing economic issues, a pattern that seems to be repeating itself in the current political climate. Its impact on business confidence and the general economic well-being of Zimbabwe can only be assessed once we are over the hump of the latest squabbles.

Unconfirmed reports suggest Comrade Bombshell’s home in Sanyati was reportedly petrol-bombed on the night of 28 March, a peculiarly similar modus operandi to the Harare incidents. There has also been an escalation of political tensions in Zvimba West constituency in which two Zanu PF officials’ homes were vandalised, with all windows smashed by unknown assailants in coordinated attacks. The victims, Gloria Padzarondora and Thomas Mapfumo, have reportedly been opposed to President Mnangagwa’s “2030 agenda”. The knives are out!

The situation remained tense leading up to Monday, perhaps loaded with anxiety for many, and the possibility of civil disobedience loomed large over Zimbabwe’s political and economic landscape. All in all, this observer did not believe the people would have the will to unseat yet another personal empire builder, nor replace him with another cadre in a rags-to-riches feast of narrow materialism. But things may have been different. The history of the revolutionary party’s sometimes bloody internecine struggles suggests perhaps one should erred on the side of caution.

As it turns out, Monday largely manifested itself as a nationwide work stay-away, with urban centers weirdly quiet as businesses and schools never opened for the day. The call for mass action failed to ignite large-scale street demonstrations. Small pockets of violent protest did erupt, notably in Harare, where demonstrators clashed with police. Authorities arrested 95 people at Robert Mugabe Square. They face long detention without bail and shall be charged with inciting public violence and plotting to unlawfully remove the president.

Bizarrely, our nouveau revolutionary, Geza, appears to have bombshelled, and now backtracking on his calls for nationwide protests, likely due to the failure of the uprising or a lack of unified support from key figures. There were mumblings by him of an intelligence-orchestrated bomb plot to frame him for terrorism; possibly reflecting a growing sense of personal vulnerability, even remorse. May it be to regroup or clarify his position? Time will tell.

Politically though, Geza seems to have over-cooked his nyama and is now beating a strategic retreat. So typically of Zimbabwean politics where fools rush in, he attempted to sustaining a protest movement without visible grassroots backing. That simply risks diminishing political credibility as most opposition parties are now well aware. So, another squabble, another chapter of liberation politics passes by, ad nauseum. We turn the page…